Far be it for me to contradict historian Timothy Snyder’s ideas about turning back fascism— especially when his analysis (How To Stop Fascism) today contained any factual errors or bad advise. He did, however leave out a few important points that I want to take a look at since they might be even more relevant than the history of the uniquely failed Weimar Republican almost a century ago.
British voters— in an election with pitiful turnout (59.9%, down 7.4%)— and much more motivated French voters (66.63, up 20.4%). In France’s second round Sunday, the fascist party came in third— a reason for cheers. However, it is worth noting that while the unified left won 180 seats (49 more than in 2019), the Macronists won just 159 seats (down 86 from 2019) and the fascists won 142 seats (up 53 seats from 2019). The fascists took 37.1% of the vote, a number not unlike the kind of support the MAGA movement has here. Frighteningly, Snyder began by noting that “Some American states, right now, are laboratories of authoritarian rule.” He likely had Florida, Texas, Oklahoma, Louisiana, Tennessee and maybe even Ohio in mind.
“Yet,” he wrote, “the classic example of a major economic and cultural power collapsing into fascism remains Germany in 1933. The failure of the democratic experiment in Germany led to a world war as well as the Holocaust and other atrocities… [T]he people who intend to destroy the American constitutional republic have learned from the past. One of the basic elements of Project 2025, for example, is what the Nazis called Gleichschaltung: transforming the civil service into a fascist nest. Those who wish to preserve the American constitutional republic should also recall the past. A good start would be just to recall the five basic political lessons of 1933.”
1. Voting matters. Hitler came to power after an election which enabled his appointment as head of government. It is much easier for fascists to begin from within than to begin from without. Hitler’s earlier coup attempt failed. But once he had legitimate power, inside the system as chancellor (prime minister), he could manipulate it from within. In the American system, “voting” means not just going to the polls yourself, but making donations, phone-banking, and knocking on doors. We are still, happily, at the stage when unglamorous actions can make the difference.
2. Coalitions are necessary. In 1932, in the crucial German election, the far left and the center left were separated. The reasons for this were very specific: Stalin ordered the German communists to oppose the German social democrats, thereby helping Hitler to power. To be sure, the American political spectrum is very different, as are the times. Yet the general lesson does suggest itself: the left has to hold together with the the center-left, and their energies have to be directed at the goal rather than at each other.
3. Conservatives should be conservative. Which way the center-right turns can be decisive. In Germany in 1932, conservatives enabled the counter-revolution. They did not see Hitler and his Nazis as something different from themselves. They imagined, somehow, that Hitler would preserve the system rather revolutionize it. They were wrong, and some of them paid for the mistake with their lives. As in American today, the German “old right” was less numerous than the “new right,” the fascists. But how the traditionalist center-right acts can very well make the difference.
4. Big business should support democracy. In the Germany of the 1930s, business leaders were not necessarily enthusiastic about Hitler as a person. But they associated democracy with labor unions and wanted to break them. Seeing Hitler as an instrument of their own profit, business leaders enabled the Nazi regime. This was, in the end, very bad for business. Although the circumstances today are different, the general lesson is the same: whether they like it or not, business leaders bear responsibility for whether a republic endures or is destroyed.
5. Citizens should not obey in advance. Much of fascism is a bluff— look at our loyal cult, listen to our outrageous language, heed our threats of violence, we are inevitable! Hitler was good at that sort of propaganda. Yet to gain power he needed luck and the errors of others. American fascism, likewise, is far from inevitable. It too is largely bluff, most of it digital. The internet is much more fascist than real life, which is discouraging. But we vote in the real world. The crucial thing is the individual decision to act, along with others, for four months, a little something each day, regardless of the atmospherics and the polls and the media and the moods.
To me, there’s nothing in this discussion that’s more important that effectively resisting Trump's appeal— and that means that Democrats must go beyond merely opposing the threat of fascism and offer a transformative vision that addresses the root causes of economic and social discontent. Snyder stresses the importance of voting and political engagement as a bulwark against fascism. While this is undoubtedly true— and what Blue America is based on— it assumes that the existing democratic mechanisms are sufficient to prevent authoritarianism. They’re not; systemic issues within capitalism and liberal democracy invariably lead to disenchantment among working families— and for good reason. When centrist parties, like our Democrats, like the Austerity-lovin’ Macronists in France and spineless New Labour in the UK, fail to address economic inequality, they create a vacuum that has been exploited by authoritarian movements. Voting alone is insufficient, especially if the choices available do not offer real change for the marginalized.
It worked over the weekend in France but Snyder's call for unity between the left and center is pragmatic, especially when your mindset is in the 1930s and how historical division facilitated Hitler's rise, the challenge today is that centrist parties often adopt neoliberal policies that are antithetical to solving problems (even when they call themselves, literally, Problem Solvers). A coalition might be necessary to defeat fascism in the short term, as it was in France, but it must also push for policies that address the root causes of discontent, which I very much doubt we’re about to see in France and could lead right to a fascist takeover next time. The left will always risk being co-opted into maintaining the very status quo that fuels future authoritarianism.
The role of conservatives in enabling fascism is well-documented, and Snyder's advice is sound. However, the modern right-wing landscape, particularly in the U.S., has shifted significantly towards extremism and fascism. It ain’t your father’s GOP anymore— and that GOP always sucked donkey dick anyway. In the U.S., almost all “conservatives” who still identify as Republicans now openly embrace or at least tolerate, authoritarianism. The other conservatives are comfortably at home in the Democratic Party. Progressives understand that appealing to traditional conservatives may no longer be viable; instead, we have to focus on building a broad, progressive coalition that can offer a compelling alternative to both centrism and fascism.
And when Snyder highlights the complicity of business leaders in the rise of fascism, urging contemporary businesses to support democratic norms, he may be forgetting that capitalism inherently prioritizes profit over people, invariably leading businesses to back policies that undermine democracy and workers' rights. Simple concept which should lead our political leaders to understand that the long-term solution lies not in appealing to the goodwill of business leaders but in fundamentally restructuring the economy to reduce corporate power and increase democratic control over economic decisions. When we say billionaires should not exist, that’s absolutely crucial. There is no democracy when billionaires do exist.
Snyder was best when he made the salient point that resistance to authoritarianism requires active engagement and defiance. However, what Snyder always misses is that this resistance he celebrates must be rooted in a broader movement for social and economic justice. Progressives have to organize not just against fascism but for a positive vision of society that addresses the needs of working families, combats inequality, and promotes solidarity. This means building grassroots movements, supporting labor unions and advocating for policies that challenge the neoliberal order. It’s essential to go beyond Snyder’s immediate tactics and address the structural issues that enable authoritarianism. Centrist parties and political elites always fail to deliver for working families, creating fertile ground for fascist movements.
Whether it’s Biden or Kamala or anyone else, this year, Democrats have to prioritize policies that address economic inequality— like raising the minimum wage, expanding healthcare access and implementing fair tax policies— if they expect working class votes. If the Democrats focus on the economic well-being of working families, as Biden has tried to do even if he communicates poorly about it— they can undermine the populist appeal of Trump's bullshit rhetoric. At all costs, Democrats have to avoid policies associated with austerity, which has completely alienated the party’s base and pushed voters towards more radical right-wing alternatives.
Democratic elites seem to have utterly forgotten the importance of investing in grassroots organizing. If they expect to win, they have to encourage and support local volunteers in door-to-door canvassing, phone banking, and voter registration drives. As Alan Grayson never ceases to remind me, if our voters aren’t registered, it doesn’t matter who or what is on the ballot or how much money is spent on TV ads and mailers. A corollary of that is countering GOP voter suppression efforts by providing clear information on voting rights, ensuring access to mail-in ballots and continuing to fight against restrictive voting laws.
Let’s all keep in mind that while it's important to highlight the dangers of a second Trump term, if Democrats don’t also offer a positive and compelling vision for the future, emphasizing plans for economic recovery, healthcare, climate action and social justice— they will lose. We all will lose.
And as Fergie Reid never stops reminding me, strengthening the Democratic presence and resistance at the local and state levels are key to victories up the ballot. The Democratic Party needs to do a much better job supporting state and local candidates who can push back against authoritarian policies and build a stronger, more resilient grassroots base. That’s why we have this page. The Party needs to strengthen its ties to the labor movement and not back conservative anti-union candidates like John Avlon in Suffolk County. The Democrats should be advocating loud and clear— and with actions— for policies that increase corporate accountability and reduce the undue influence of big business and the billionaire class in politics. The push for campaign finance reform to limit the power of wealthy donors and corporations is an unending task and when Democrats sell out— as is the won’t to do— it’s all over.
Just as I was about to put this post to bed, a top Capitol Hill staffer responded to a question I had asked about the Biden conundrum and I thought I’d close with their thoughts: “I honestly don't know which scenario gives us the best shot to beat Trump— which is all that I really care about. Biden is old and clearly in decline. But Kamala is a bit green and whether we like it or not we live in a fairly racist and misogynistic country. So as sad as it is to say— it is a close call between an old white guy who is experiencing some physical and possibly mental issues and a Black woman who has been Vice President for four years. I'm not sure what gives us the best shot in November. If Biden drops out, Rs will also challenge any alternative in court which could make this messy and divisive. Each state determines those qualifications. All it would take is a few to keep our alternate off the ballot for this race to become un-winnable. We Ginsberg'd this again! We have to move on from leaders in their seventies and eighties— it is absurd.
This was a great post, Howie.