Trump's Nobel Peace Prize For His Ethnic Cleansing Gaza Plan Hasn't Arrived At The White House Yet

Although some naive Palestinians in Michigan did— and perhaps a few in Chicago and Brooklyn— none of the residents of Gaza voted for Trump and none deserve what he’s trying to do to them. Universally condemned by the Arabs he claimed would help him— the Saudis, the Emiratis, Turkey, the Arab League, obviously Iran (which Trump delusionally babbled some nonsense about wanting to help), and, most important, the Egyptians and Jordanians— Trump is still insisting his “plan” is alive and moving forward. The latest iterations are that Israel will “give” or “sell” the Gaza Strip to the U.S. (which will then, according to the Oval Office monkey “own” it) and that the Gazans will not be allowed to return to Gaza after Trump turns it into the Riviera of the Middle East.

Using some childish deflection— that could only work on MAGAts— in an interview Bret Baier did with Señor T that Fox released yesterday, the embarrassment in the White House said “Think of it as a real estate development for the future. It would be a beautiful piece of land.”  When Baier asked him “if Palestinians would be allowed to return to Gaza, Trump replied: ‘No, they wouldn’t because they’re going to have much better housing. In other words, I’m talking about building a permanent place for them.’ Trump mentioned Jordan and Egypt as countries that Gaza’s Palestinians would be sent to, and he expressed optimism about making a ‘deal’ with the two governments. ‘You know, we give them billions and billions of dollars a year,’ he said.”

On Sunday, Dan Diker and Yoni Ben Menachem of the Neo-conservative Israeli think tank Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs (financed by the Adelsons and allied with Netanyahu) reported that “Trump’s proposal to ‘clean out Gaza’ and send its displaced  population to neighboring Egypt and Jordan, either temporarily or beyond, has sent shock waves through the Arab world, breaking decades-long understandings on the Palestinian issue. Many Arab leaders in the Middle East are deeply concerned over Trump’s Oval Office meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which signals a significant realignment between their respective countries regarding the future of the Middle East. Trump’s proposed initiative to pressure Jordan’s King Abdullah and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, both recipients of billions of dollars of U.S. aid, has reset, even if only perceptually, the Middle East chessboard. Already in his first two weeks in office, Trump has proven that he ‘speaks Middle East.’ He has already forced Hamas and Israel into a three-stage hostages-for-terrorists deal. He has also dared to do what no U.S. president has done— deliver an electric shock on the Palestinian issue to two major Arab U.S. allies. Trump’s plan, it should be said, has triggered a flurry of urgent meetings, statements and warnings by the major Arab powers, including Saudi Arabia... Trump is determined to disrupt the decades-long failed paradigm that has only prevented the resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict.” 

Jordanian and Egyptian opposition to the Trump plan presents a major security and diplomatic challenge for the region, as it forges a pathway to confrontation with the U.S. administration.

Trump’s groundbreaking declaration represents the first time in modern Middle Eastern history that a U.S. president has suggested such a far-reaching proposed solution that breaks the decades-long Arab-U.S. understandings on the “two-state solution.”

From the Arab world’s viewpoint, the initiative signals a U.S. retreat from Trump’s 2020 “Deal of the Century.”

Trump has wasted no time advancing the idea. On Jan. 27, 2025, Trump told reporters during an Air Force One flight that he had spoken with el-Sisi regarding the relocation of Palestinians from Gaza to Egypt.

He said, “I want them to live in a place without violence. Gaza has been a hell for so many years, and they could live in much better and more comfortable areas.”

Trump clarified his approach to “friend-foe” diplomacy.” He noted regarding el-Sisi, “I have helped him a lot, and I hope he will help us. I think he will take in Palestinians from Gaza, and I believe the King of Jordan will do the same.”

For his part, Abdullah’s central concern reflects a longstanding conspiracy theory that Israel considers Jordan a Palestinian state, and intends to flood the kingdom with millions of Palestinians from the West Bank (Judea and Samaria) and Gaza.

Jordan is not alone in rejecting the U.S. initiative. Egypt and the Palestinian Authority have also panned the plan.

However, no sitting Israeli prime minister has deemed Jordan to be a Palestinian state.

Jordan and Egypt’s sensitivity to Trump’s plan is deeply rooted in their common fear that, since the beginning of the Oct. 7 war, Israel has been quietly planning to repopulate Gaza and establish new Jewish communities there.

The drama tearing across the Middle East does not come as a surprise to regional observers. Since the beginning of the Hamas-Israel war, the issue has become a primary focus of the Arab and Muslim world.

Muslim Brotherhood-led protests have taken place in Jordan in support of Hamas in Gaza, threatening the stability of the monarchy. Abdullah is deeply concerned about maintaining power. It is commonly understood and confirmed by Israeli security officials that Abdullah opposes any American initiative that could be perceived as harming Palestinian rights and interests in Gaza as well as the West Bank. Abdullah’s position is a reflection of the regime’s fragility.

El-Sisi faces a similar predicament; the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt also poses a threat to regime stability. Both leaders are actively seeking ways to remove the plan from the U.S. Middle East agenda.

There is a precedent. While Egypt and Saudi Arabia supported Trump’s call during his first administration for the resumption of negotiations between Israel and the P.A., Jordan aligned with the P.A. in rejecting his January 2020 “Deal of the Century” peace plan, despite its inclusion of a Palestinian state in some 70% of Judea and Samaria (the West Bank).

Trump’s initiative to relocate Palestinians from Gaza to Egypt and Jordan is seen by Egyptian and Jordanian leaderships as a redesigned and reengineered version of that proposal.

Trump’s new proposal has set off a fierce chain reaction. Senior Palestinian officials said P.A. chairman Mahmoud Abbas, Egypt and Jordan are coordinating their opposition to it with Saudi Arabia by strengthening their strategic ties with the European Union, Russia and China.

Egypt and Jordan rely heavily on annual U.S. economic and military aid. Trump’s recent decision to cut foreign aid to Jordan sends a powerful message to these countries and others in the region. Both Egypt and Jordan face severe economic difficulties, including foreign currency shortages, large external debts and the challenge of providing their populations with basic necessities such as food and fuel.

On Jan. 28, the London-based Al-Araby Al-Jadeed news outlet reported that Egypt is adopting a “strategic patience” strategy— waiting and attempting to manage the crisis through careful calculations behind closed doors. Egypt understands that any direct confrontation with Trump could damage its political and economic ties with the United States.

Egypt is fully aware of the precariousness of its situation. Its multidimensional relationship with the United States is not solely political but also includes significant financial and military support. The sensitivity of this relationship requires el-Sisi, and Abdullah, to step gingerly with the Trump administration.

Egypt fears that an outright rejection of Trump’s plan could complicate its relations with Washington, which plays a central role in securing international aid for Egypt— whether directly from the United States or through its Gulf allies. Moreover, any diplomatic confrontation with Washington over the Palestinian issue could expose Cairo to both internal and external pressures that it cannot afford.

Senior Israeli political and military officials estimate that the Egyptian leadership is relying on several factors:

1. Widespread Palestinian rejection— the P.A. and Hamas will oppose Trump’s plan.

2. Total Arab rejection— Jordan and other Arab nations will refuse to cooperate.

3. Shifts in U.S. priorities— Egypt is betting that over time, U.S. foreign policy or the administration’s direction may change.

Egypt and Jordan now face a significant challenge in dealing with Trump’s determination to implement his migration plan for Palestinians from Gaza.

It is understood in American political circles that Trump is angling for a Nobel Peace Prize, and that “when he decides on something, he goes all the way to make it happen.”

…[I]t is possible that Trump’s bold assertion of American power, and the use of economic leverage and military aid, will succeed in softening Jordanian and Egyptian opposition to his plan, thus setting a new American-driven paradigm for U.S. policy in the Middle East. It could also foretell a completely unexpected pathway to regional security stability and a possible U.S.-imposed mitigation of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

Trump met with King Abdullah II and Crown Prince Hussein at the White House this morning. He threatened to cut aid— to Jordan and Egypt— if they don’t take in the Palestinian population of Gaza. “’If they don’t agree, I would conceivably withhold aid,’ he told reporters in response to a question a day before a meeting with King Abdullah II of Jordan. Trump expanded on the idea of forced displacement of roughly two million Palestinians, a move that some scholars have said would amount to a war crime and ethnic cleansing… More than half of Jordan’s population is estimated to be Palestinian; the nation is already unsettled by tensions between citizens of Palestinian descent and those who are not, analysts say. ‘What Trump has done is put the future of the Kingdom of Jordan on the line,’ said Khalil Jahshan, the executive director of the Arab Center Washington D.C. ‘The strongest political movement in Jordan does not accept the idea that Jordan is Palestine… ‘Obviously the king cannot take those people,’ said James Jeffrey, Trump’s former Syria envoy. ‘This is an existential issue for him. This would be a regime killer,’ Jeffrey said.”