It’s more important than ever to flip Congress. There’s a page called Flip Congress, take a look. These are 8 candidates that have something in common: each is running against a rotgut conservative incumbent who deserves to be replaced. And each of these candidates would go a long way towards making Congress a better and less dysfunctional body, one that would stand up to tyranny and oppression. We may need that even more than ever. Please give as generously as you can.
Last night Biden’s weak, confused performance on the debate stage dug himself a hole. It doesn’t mean he’s going to lose in November. Millions of Americans understand what an existential threat Trump is to our country. But the stakes are too high to just count on him winning reelection. With the GOP sure to win the open West Virginia Senate seat, they’re just one seat away from a majority. The House may be the only firewall against what we all fear.
Trump was incoherent last night and he never stopped lying. As Noah Smith wrote this morning, “A President half-incapacitated by old age, but with competent appointees, is still preferable to a President who denies election results, encourages coup attempts against his own country and encourages enemy empires to conquer U.S. allies.” But it barely mattered with what was going on next to him on that stage. Congressional Republicans like Marjorie Taylor Greene, Matt Gaetz, Lauren Boebert and Jim Jordan are gleeful today. Let’s make sure that no matter what happens at the top of the ticket, they are not in power in the 118th Congress.
“Perhaps,” wrote Smith, “Biden will pull off a miraculous resurgence… He could step aside in favor of Kamala Harris, but she’s extremely unpopular. I suppose a dark horse like Gavin Newsom could step in, but he’s an unknown quantity to most Americans. So while I’m certainly not ready to call it yet, my instinct here is that the betting markets are right, and that Trump is now the clear favorite to win the presidency this fall.”
For Smith that means “it’s time to think hard about what a second Trump term could mean, for the U.S. economy and for the world. On the economic front, I see some big dangers. Trump’s populist approach to inflation and debt is extremely risky, and his tariffs run the risk of isolating the U.S. economy and fragmenting our trading bloc. As for industrial policy, he seems likely to embrace the semiconductor push but to nix the push for green energy. On the international front, this looks like it could be the end— at least for now— of the transatlantic alliance. Trump will cut off support for Ukraine, forcing Europe to step in. A withdrawal from NATO, or a de facto withdrawal, is a possibility. The big question, though, is what Trump does with regards to China and the increasingly perilous situation in the Pacific.”
I’m not ready to start staring into that grave yet. Instead I’m ready to fight harder to flip the House and win as many state legislatures as possible. Resurgent state legislatures can play crucial roles in protecting and shaping what’s standing for our democracy and protecting our rights. They control redistricting, which determines the fairness of our congressional maps and the balance of power in Washington. They have the power to enact or block key legislation on issues like healthcare, education, voting rights, and reproductive freedoms. With conservative legislatures pushing increasingly extreme agendas, it’s vital to elect progressive leaders at the state level who will defend our values and fight for a just and equitable society. By winning state legislatures, we can build a stronger foundation for progressive change and counteract the harmful policies emanating from Washington. This grassroots battle is just as important as the fight for Congress and the presidency. We must seize every opportunity to advance our cause and protect our democracy.
And I can’t emphasize enough that flipping the House is critical to maintaining a check on a tyrannical president and a compliant Senate. With Trump potentially back in the White House and a GOP-controlled Senate enabling his worst impulses, the House of Representatives could be our last line of defense against authoritarian overreach. A Democratic majority in the House would have the power to investigate abuses of power, block harmful legislation, and prevent the erosion of our democratic institutions. They can serve as a bulwark against executive overreach, ensuring that our system of checks and balances remains at least somewhat intact. Moreover, a strong and vocal opposition in the House can highlight and counteract the administration's dangerous policies, mobilizing public opinion and building resistance. We can’t afford to have all branches of government controlled by a party that has shown time and again its willingness to undermine democracy for partisan gain. The fight to flip the House is not just about policy; it's about preserving the very essence of our democratic system.