As support for 3rd party candidates evaporates— as it always does at this time in the campaign— a new national Morning Consult survey shows Kamala edging Trump 47-46% and 41-40% among independents. Meanwhile, the new <> Ipsos poll<> should be scary for the Republicans. Trump’s favorability is 36% (52% unfavorable) and Vance’s is 24% (to 39% unfavorable). Meanwhile Kamala’s favorables have ticked up upward at 43% have a favorable view of her to 42% unfavorable.
Yesterday, McKay Coppins wrote that the most revealing moment of a Trump rally is, of all things, the benediction or prayer, sometimes benign, sometimes blasphemous, some combination of “contradictory and poignant and frightening and sad and, perhaps most of all, begging for exegesis. In the 58 prayers Coppins examined, Trump’s name was mentioned 87 times versus Jesus Christ’s 61 times. Most of the prayers were delivered by Pentecostal males, some spewing nonsense like “Oh Lord, our Lord, we want to be awake and not woke.”
“The premise of all of these prayers,” wrote Coppins, “is that America’s covenant can be reestablished, and its special place in God’s kingdom restored, if the nation repents and turns back to him. [Baptist minister Ryan] Burge told me that these ideas have long percolated on the religious right. What’s new is how many Christians now seem convinced that God has anointed a specific leader who, like those prophets of old, is prepared to defeat the forces of evil and redeem the country. And that leader is running for president.” Over 60% of Republicans view Trump as “morally upstanding” and even more believe he is a “person of faith.”
Coppins notes that “rather than asking God to make Trump an instrument of his will, most of the prayers start from the assumption that he already is. Accordingly, many of them drop any pretense of thy-will-be-done nonpartisanship, and ask explicitly for Trump’s reelection. ‘Lord, you have a servant in Donald J. Trump, who can lead our nation,’ a woman offering a prayer in Laconia, New Hampshire, told God at a rally on the eve of the state’s Republican primary. ‘Help us to overcome any obstacles tomorrow so that we may deliver victory to your warrior.’ With Trump’s goodness presumed, the criminal charges against him are cast not as evidence of potential wrongdoing but as a sign of victimhood. ‘We ask that you put a hedge of protection around President Trump,’ one woman prayed in Waukesha, Wisconsin, ‘and deliver him from the baseless attacks, and remove from office those who are subverting justice in our legal system.’”
[I]t’s easy to see the danger in internalizing the concept of politics as spiritual combat. Trump’s rallies become more than mere campaign events— they are staging grounds in a supernatural conflict that pits literal angels against literal demons for the soul of the nation. Marinate enough in these ideas, and the consequences of defeat start to feel existential. “This is not a time for politics as usual,” a Pentecostal preacher declared at a Trump rally in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, last year. “It’s not a time for religion as usual. It’s not a time for prayers as usual. This is a time for spiritual warriors to arise and to shake the heavens.”
As I was reviewing these prayers, I wondered what Trump’s most zealous religious supporters would do if they didn’t get the result they were praying for in November. With so much riding on the idea that Trump’s reelection has a divine mandate, what would happen if he lost? A destabilizing crisis of faith? Another widespread rejection of the election’s outcome? Further spasms of political violence?
It wasn’t until I came across a prayer delivered in December in Coralville, Iowa, that a more urgent question occurred to me: What will they do if their prayers are answered?
Onstage, Joel Tenney, a 27-year-old evangelist with a shiny coif of blond hair and a quavering preacher’s cadence, preceded his prayer with a short sermon for the gathered crowd of Trump supporters. “We have witnessed a sitting president weaponize the entire legal system to try and steal an election and imprison his leading opponent, Donald Trump, despite committing no crime,” Tenney began. “The corruption in Washington is a natural reflection of the spiritual state of our nation.”
For the next several minutes, Tenney hit all the familiar notes: He quoted from 2 Chronicles and Ephesians, and reminded the audience of the eternal consequences of 2024. Then he issued a warning to those who would stand in the way of God’s will being done on Election Day.
“Be afraid,” Tenney said. “For rulers do not bear the sword for no reason. They are God’s servants of wrath to bring punishment on the wrongdoer. And when Donald Trump becomes the 47th president of the United States, there will be retribution against all those who have promoted evil in this country.”
With that, he invited the audience to remove their hats, and turned his voice to God. “Lord, help us make America great again,” he prayed.
It’s an alien world, at least to me. I still can’t get over what classic suckers these poor morons are for a NYC con-man and his family of grifters. But this religious fervor we’re seeing— that so flies in the face of the wisdom of the Founding Fathers— reflects a broad trend in American society, where cultural and social shifts have driven many to seek refuge in their religious identities. Concerns over changes such as the acceptance of LGBTQ+ rights and evolving gender roles have fueled a resurgence of cultural conservatism. For many, aligning with a figure like Trump, who promises to restore traditional values, becomes a way to push back against what they perceive as societal decline. The political mobilization of conservative religious groups, particularly evangelical Christians, has significantly influenced this phenomenon. Beginning in the 1970s and 1980s with movements like the Moral Majority, religious conservatives have become a powerful political force. Weirdly, they see Trump as a champion who will protect their interests and restore a sense of moral order. This alignment has been further solidified by the increasing polarization of American politics, where religious identity and political identity often merge. The narrative of America as a Christian nation, promoted by conservative media, reinforces the belief that integrating religious principles with governance is not only acceptable but necessary. This has led to a perception that secularism and the separation of church and state are threats to religious freedoms. Many feel that only through an authoritarian leader like Trump can their way of life be protected and their religious freedoms preserved. Keep in mind that economic and social insecurities also play a role in this dynamic. During uncertain times, people often turn to religion for comfort and guidance, seeking leaders who promise— albeit never deliver on— stability and adherence to familiar values. Craven politicians have capitalized on this, strategically aligning themselves with religious groups to gain support, resulting in a political landscape where religious fervor is increasingly intertwined with governance.
For me, though, the most revealing things about any Trump rally revolves around which lies he’s telling and how much of his signature projectionism is on display. There’s never been a single Trump rally that hasn’t rested on a bed of ugly, purposeful deceptions. Each person I know who likes Trump— very few people— has a 2 digit IQ. It’s hard to imagine that even someone with a median IQ (100 by definition) can listen to him speak and not know they’re being played for a fool. But it’s a difficult concept for the media to get across— if you like Trump, you’re a moron, doesn’t resound as part of the American mainstream.
Last week PolitiFact did an extensive look at Trump’s first rally, July 24 in Charlotte, NC, after Biden dropped out of the race. Louis Jacobson and Maria Uribe fact-checked several of lies about Kamala, starting with the GOP talking point that “As border czar Kamala threw open our borders and allowed 20 million illegal aliens to stampede into our country.”
False.
We’ve rated claims that Harris is Biden’s "border czar" in charge of stopping illegal immigration Mostly False. Biden tasked Harris with working alongside officials in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras to address the issues driving people to leave those countries and come to the United States. These issues include economic insecurity, corruption, human rights and violence. Border security and management is the Homeland Security secretary’s responsibility.
The U.S. border also isn’t open. Physical barriers such as fences, surveillance technology such as drones and about 20,000 U.S. Border Patrol agents help control who and what comes into the United States. Additionally, immigration officials at the border continue to enforce immigration law.
We rated Trump’s statement during the June 27 debate that Biden allowed in "18 million people," False.
During Biden’s administration, immigration officials have encountered immigrants illegally crossing the U.S. border nearly 10 million times. When accounting for "got aways"— people who aren’t stopped by border officials— the number rises to about 11.6 million.
But encounters don’t mean admissions. Encounters represent events, so one person who tries to cross the border twice counts for two encounters. Also, not everyone encountered is let in. The Department of Homeland Security estimates about 4 million encounters have led to expulsions or removals.
About 3.3 million people have been released into the U.S. to await immigration court hearings under Biden’s administration, Department of Homeland Security data shows. About 415,000 children who crossed the border alone were also let in.
The second one he— and most Republicans— keep repeating about their Democratic opponents is that “She wants abortions in the eighth and ninth month of pregnancy, that’s fine with her, right up until birth, and even after birth— the execution of a baby.”
Willfully terminating a newborn’s life is infanticide and is illegal in every U.S. state.
Harris hasn’t publicly said how late in a pregnancy an abortion should occur. But she has publicly supported abortion under Roe v. Wade’s standard, which provided abortion access up to fetal viability. This is typically around 24 weeks of pregnancy, when the fetus can survive outside of the womb.Medical experts say situations resulting in fetal death in the third trimester are rare— less than 1% of abortions in the U.S. occur after 21 weeks— and typically involve fatal fetal anomalies or life-threatening emergencies affecting the pregnant woman. For fetuses with very short life expectancies, doctors may induce labor and offer palliative care. Some families choose this option when facing diagnoses that limit their babies’ survival to minutes or days after delivery.
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